The above explanation applied to no more than one-tenth of the English population McKibbin, , pp. The majority of parents, including those from the lower middle class, did not consider their relationships with teenaged and adult children to be changing. Instead, it was the provision of suitable care for the youngest children that parents thought to be newly within their power.
Although caring roles were taken on more frequently by mothers nationwide, this interpretation was often also expressed by fathers, especially in districts dominated by the textile industry. Concerns were intensified by school attendance. Teachers expected high standards of cleanliness, but parents also considered schools to be unhealthy spaces. This prompted fathers and especially mothers to take on new roles in overseeing schooling by intervening to protect their children in these threatening non-domestic environments Pooley, , pp. The census has suggested that husbands who worked as shopkeepers and clerks were amongst the earliest to rear extremely small families from the s Anderson, , pp.
These fathers and mothers seldom expressed the belief that a norm of investing in children was diffusing from the state or the elite, but instead focused on their expanding and progressive parental capacity to improve their children's lives voluntarily through providing a better quality of care and education than they had experienced. This is not to suggest that the financial cost of rearing children remained unchanged, but non-elite fathers and mothers seldom claimed that the rearing of children was newly economically draining.
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Living standards rose from the s, especially through increasing real wages for industrial workers Boyer, , pp. The highest rates of employment early in childhood occurred before , so that a sudden loss of children's income did not coincide with the period in which working-class parents reduced their family size Humphries, , pp. The introduction of compulsory elementary schooling in , which was most financially burdensome until it was made free from , did coincide with increased non-elite fertility control.
However, it should be remembered that most mid-nineteenth-century parents chose to give their sons and daughters sufficient schooling to make them literate before education became compulsory, usually paying fees that were higher than those charged by board schools Vincent, , pp. Further, as a result of the failure of many school boards to enforce the legislation, fees were not a cost that suddenly increased to unprecedented levels.
School attendance authorities in both the large coal-mining district of Auckland and rural Bromley systematically failed to enforce attendance until at least Parents with a large number of closely spaced children were thus recognised as deserving of special assistance. The exception to this was in the Lancashire town of Burnley, where the duties of parents were widely emphasised and rigorously enforced. This region experienced an early and rapid decline in working-class family size from the s. Men and women who worked as cotton weavers were paid identical wages though opportunities for promotion were reserved for men and fathers were routinely responsible for domestic chores and childcare Gittins, , pp.
While recorded maternal employment became rarer and more concentrated only in the poorest households in Bromley and Auckland, in Burnley the proportion of mothers recorded in work increased.
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Although this view was not expressed by parents in the studied sources, the opportunity cost of leaving work to care exclusively for many children was thus unusually high. An exceptionally active range of mutual, philanthropic and local government agencies sought to ensure that Burnley parents fulfilled their responsibilities. School fees were on average twice those in the other studied localities and a higher proportion of children stayed in education for the increasingly sought-after higher grades.
These fees rose in all of the schools over the following 20 years. None of the studied Burnley schools recorded a policy of capping the fees paid by families, so that the cost of schooling large families was unusually expensive.
Parenthood, child-rearing and fertility in England, –
One typical case will be used to indicate this parental pressure. In an inquest was reported in The Burnley Gazette , following the death of a five-year-old girl from burns she sustained while in the care of her eight-year-old sister. The coroner warned her mother and especially father, both of whom were weavers, as follows:.
Do you think it is a proper thing for you men to take upon yourselves the responsibilities of parents, to go and get married, and have children, and then leave them alone in the house? The words of the coroner formed a powerful conclusion to a case in which the parents had described their efforts to provide non-parental child-minders.
Caring duties were thus made publicly integral to both fatherhood and motherhood. From out of this unusually gendered regional economy and the, linked, exceptional culture of rigorously promoted parental responsibilities emerged England's most popular affordable child-rearing manual. The wife's handbook was published by Henry Allbutt, a doctor in the nearby woollen manufacturing town of Leeds, in at the price of sixpence. By its forty-fifth edition in , , copies had been sold.
It has been presumed that this popularity resulted from its explicit instructions on methods of birth control Fryer, , pp. Yet Allbutt also provided unusually practicable instructions on childcare and offered a pioneering conceptualisation of the relationship between health, marriage and parenthood.
Allbutt drew on a new rhetoric of idealised parental omnipotence by which the child's constitutional health could be assured from birth. In linking behaviour in the marital bed to the duties of parenthood, Allbutt emphasised the responsibilities of knowledgeable and considerate husbands. The regulation of fertility was conceptualised as part of a culture of maternal and especially paternal selflessness engendered by their perceived capacity to ease children's suffering.
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We know too little about the readership of advice literature. Nevertheless, The wife's handbook was advertised nationwide, so it is likely that it spread this culture beyond the occupational context from which it originated, thus encouraging a more sustained nationwide shift in perceptions of parental duty. Non-elite fertility declined most in those areas where these responsibilities were thought most significant and where fathers were most involved in childcare.
It is plausible to suggest that these expectations for new, demanding forms of care for younger children — both created by working-class parents and advocated by outside institutions — encouraged parents to seek to increase the gap between each pregnancy. Studies of sexuality have been unanimous in establishing the dominance of a culture of silence throughout these decades. Young women were shielded from reproductive knowledge and couples struggled to discuss birth control. Contexts in which this silence could be respectably broken were therefore important.
This section focuses on three cultural ideals of family that were used to explore family size in new ways: a disciplined familial model; an ideal of the domesticated small family; and an aspiration for unbounded fertility. The comparative potency of these ideals in the studied localities is traced. It will be suggested that even when commentators sought to condemn birth control, the act of speaking of reproduction through positive familial ideals created alternative routes through which men and women could think about and potentially negotiate the adoption of birth control.
The first context in which a link between familial ideals and family size was newly publicised was neo-Malthusian. The trial of birth control campaigners, Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant, in was exceptional in giving these views national publicity and is often interpreted as a trigger for fertility decline Caldwell, ; Mason, , pp. Yet, for at least a decade before the Bradlaugh-Besant case, the principles that underpinned this neo-Malthusian culture were widely and mundanely disseminated in the working-class dominated textiles towns of East Lancashire and West Yorkshire. Not only — as established above — were duties towards young children understood to be heavy, but in this geographically-defined context, women and men were publicly urged to transform civic morality through reformed familial relationships.
Importantly, these debates took place in public spaces that were the epitome of Christian morality. The nonconformist temperance lecturer and father of five, William Bell from the neighbouring textiles town of Bradford, declared that having five children was better than having a dozen since it enabled the family's bread to last longer Census, Although not a surprising conclusion, it is revealing that it was a comparison that was accepted as uncontroversial in such a pious setting.
A househusband; one who would keep the house together. One who wouldn't sit at home smoking while his wife was working in the mill. Efforts to limit family size were understood as a realistic mechanism for familial and then civic reform. These ideals were promoted as shared by all moral citizens, not as class-specific concerns. One case of these cross-class relationships was described autobiographically by Mary Brown, the wife of a doctor. She was the mother of three children born before her thirtieth birthday, who — like the elite women discussed above — later took on roles that made her a leading figure in the public life of the town.
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She recounted how:. Some years later when my influence was making itself felt, two young men came to see me, and this was their reason. Doctor Brown's disciples. They are different and it is all because of you. We want you to come and speak to us young men that we may be better company for them young girls. Of course, only the stories of people affected figured in her account.
Yet her efforts were just one of many reformist missions that made family life a concern of civil society and latterly of local government, with the remaking of masculinity as a particular priority. Importantly, these initiatives were successful as a result of both the high proportion of elite residents involved and their mutual character, which meant that they were sustained through active working-class initiative. It was because of this that birth control publications were welcomed in this region.
Bradlaugh was an admired visiting radical speaker before the Fruits of Philosophy trial. The reporting of the campaigns of Bradlaugh and Besant made them two of the most prominently featured national figures in the local newspapers. He also recalled their power as orators, recording T can see him [Bradlaugh] now as he stood on the platform.
In these accounts it is less what was said that was notable than the opportunity to hear these radical matters spoken of by such eloquent celebrities and under the auspices of organisations that gave these topics legitimacy. The news of his death has produced a profound impression upon the minds of his many friends and admirers in this town, and it is the general feeling that his life has been a generous and noble sacrifice to high principles, sincere love of truth and unselfish devotion to the duties of citizenship and humanity.
However, it would be surprising if their widely-documented lives and the moral contexts in which they were accepted as speakers did not encourage men and women to think about family size as something that could be placed respectably under personal control.
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The contrast with the relationship between family life and public concerns in Auckland in County Durham is clear.